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    V. Sidorova: Intercultural communication according to French historical writings of the first half of the 11th century

    discussions 11 (2015)

    Vasilina Sidorova

    Intercultural communication according to French historical writings of the first half of the 11th century

    Abstract:

    In the Middle Ages intercultural contacts were much more important than nowdays historians usually accept. Despite the fear of faraway journeys and rather primitive infrastructure, the interest for other lands and other cultures among some social groups was strong and sincere. Starting from the 11th century the amount of pilgrimages, diplomatic missions and commercial voyages as well as the intensity of migrations have grown considerably. The ties between the provinces of Gaul remained important inspite of regional differences and internal conflicts. The presence of foreigners in Gaul, especially in the fold of the Church, allows to suppose that cultural interactions played an important role in the developpment of the European society. It’s possible to speak about a network of communications in which the news spread. The traces of such exchanges can be found in chronicles, letters and lives of saints.

    Abstract:

    Interkulturelle Kontakte waren im Mittelalter intensiver als von der Forschung bisher behauptet. Trotz der Furcht vor weiten Reisen und einer recht primitiven Infrastruktur ist in einigen sozialen Gruppen ein aufrichtiges und starkes Interesse an anderen Ländern und Kulturen zu konstatieren. Seit dem 11. Jahrhundert nahm die Zahl an Pilger- und Handelsfahrten, an diplomatischen Missionen ebenso wie die Intensität von Wanderbewegungen zu. Die Verbindungen zwischen den Provinzen Galliens blieben trotz bestehender regionaler Unterschiede wichtig. Die Präsenz von Ausländern in Gallien, vor allem innerhalb der Kirche, gibt Anlass zu der Vermutung, dass diese Interaktionen bei der Entwicklung der europäischen Gesellschaft eine große Rolle spielten. Man kann von einem Kommunikationsnetz sprechen, in dem Nachrichten zirkulierten. Spuren dieses Austauschs finden sich in Chroniken, Briefen und hagiographischen Quellen.

    Résumé:

    Au Moyen Age, les contacts interculturels étaient plus importants que les historiens ne se l’imaginent habituellement. Malgré la peur des voyages lointains et une infrastructure assez primitive, l'intérêt pour d'autres pays et d'autres cultures était sincère et fort parmi certains groupes sociaux. Dès le XIe siècle, le nombre de pèlerinages, de voyages diplomatiques et commerciaux et l'intensité des migrations ont augmenté. Les liens entre les provinces de Gaule sont restés importants malgré des différences régionales. La présence des étrangers en Gaule, surtout au sein de l'Eglise, permet de supposer que les interactions ont joué un grand rôle dans le développement de la société européenne. Il est possible de parler de réseau de communication au cœur duquel des nouvelles circulaient. Les traces de tels échanges se trouvent par exemple dans les pages des chroniques, des lettres et des sources hagiographiques.

    Introduction

    <1>

    In the Middle Ages, contacts between different nations and ethnic groups were realized either through travel or meeting visiting foreigners. Though travel, unlike migrations, of course never concerned large groups of people, quite a few representatives of medieval society occasionally left their homeland, crossing vast territories and cultural borders and, upon their return home, told their countrymen about far away lands and their inhabitants. Fragments of such stories and personal impressions can be found in chronicles, lives of saints, letters and some other sources. This paper is intended to clarify some aspects of this problem concerning the French material from the first half of the eleventh century.

    Interregional communication

    <2>

    Crossed by numerous trade routes, which were also used by warriors, diplomats, churchmen and pilgrims, Gaul was always open to foreigners and foreign influences. The French kingdom in the tenth and eleventh centuries was made up of large and small political formations, often practically independent from the central government and characterized by marked regional identities and particularities of historical development. Burgundy and Flanders had close ties with the German empire, Aquitaine and Languedoc – with the Pyrenean peninsula, Provence – with Northern Italy. Brittany retained much of its Celtic heritage. Normandy was still close to the Scandinavian world and was beginning to form strong ties with England and Southern Italy. Even though fidelity to the French king was hardly ever seriously questioned, and chronicles contain a distinct idea of the kingdom’s integrity, interregional differences were sometimes perceived quite acutely. Interregional contacts should therefore be studied in the context of intercultural communication.

    <3>

    The Bretons, for example, were perceived as complete aliens. The author of the »Chronicle of Nantes«, who seemingly was of Frankish origin, writes that the Bretons »do not abide by laws, do not respect precepts, do not obey other rules«1. The Burgundian chronicler Raoul Glaber was even more negative: »They are absolutely strange to civilization [urbanitas], people with rude manners, quick to anger and idle talk«2. Such attitude towards the Bretons is part of the anti-Celtic rhetoric that often appears in medieval literature. In the twelfth century Вernard of Clairvaux described the Irish as barbarians with animal-like habits. He criticized their matrimonial customs, castigated them for not paying the tithe and even declared that they were »Christians only by name but pagans by gist«3.

    <4>

    Aquitaine was also regarded as a land à part. It usually comprised all the lands south to the Loire. Odorannus of Sens formulated it explicitly: »What is on this side of the Loire is France, what is on that side of the river is Aquitaine«4. In Raoul Glaber’s opinion Aquitaine, Auvergne and Provence constituted roughly the same region, quite alien to France and Burgundy. It is not clear why he was so hostile towards the southerners, taking into consideration that many religious figures of that time including the famous abbots of Cluny St. Maiol and St. Odilon came from aristocratic Aquitanian families. He writes that »a great flood of strange men began to flow into France and Burgundy« after the marriage of King Robert II and Constance, the daughter of Count William of Provence. For the chronicler she is a woman from Aquitaine. Spilling out his hatred Raoul Glaber draws attention to unusual looks and manners of the southerners who came in Constance’s retinue: »They were light-headed and vain fellows with strange manners and clothes; their weapons and the equipment of their horses were odd, and they were close-shaven from half way down their heads; they were beardless like actors, wore indecent boots«5. It is significant that the diatribe against the Aquitanians was without doubt influenced by his patron, William of Volpiano, the abbot of Saint-Benigne-de-Dijon, as it repeats almost word by word one of his sermons, in which William blames the parishioners for their behaviour and appearance without mentioning their origin6.

    <5>

    A similar contemptuous attitude, now towards the Gascons, is found in the »Vita Abboni« by Aimoin of Fleury who accompanied his patron Abbon, abbot of Fleury, on his last trip to the monastery at La Reole which he placed in Gascony though in fact it is situated not far from Bordeaux. In his perception Gascony was a perfidious country and the Gascons were barbarians7. We should remember that in those days the place-names Gascony and Aquitaine were sometimes synonyms8.

    <6>

    In the chronicle of the Aquitanian monk Ademar of Chabannes we find some examples of the same hostility, this time towards the Franks. For him they are mischievous foreigners9. In Norman historiography the Franks are also depicted in dark tones. In his famous »Historia Normannorum ducum«, Dudo of St. Quentin once notes that his reader should not sympathise with the Franks who suffered from Normans’ crimes because this people »was overflowing with dung dirtiness« and Normans acted as just punishers10.

    <7>

    The question of how exactly these reciprocal interregional stereotypes were formed seems therefore very important for the study of intercultural communication.

    Travelling

    <8>

    The second theme here is the communication within the »traveling« part of medieval society: pilgrims, missionaries, clerics, merchants, ambassadors, artists and poets, soldiers and mercenaries… People of very different ethnic origin and cultural traditions met and interacted on the roads leading to popular pilgrimage centers, in particular Saint-Martin-de-Tours, Santiago de Compostela, Rome and Jerusalem but also to some other internationally important places of attraction. Thus Raoul Glaber reports that the Mont-Saint-Michel was visited by people from all over the world wishing to see the miracle of the tides11. Faraway journeys were feared because of dangers on the way. Aimoin of Fleury reports that malicious tongues rumoured that the abbot of Fleury sent young Abbon over the sea to England to prevent him from returning home12. The same Abbon dissuaded Bernard de Castelnau, the future bishop of Cahors, from setting off on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem because of the long journey and instead advised him to visit, together with several companions, Rome and Monte-Gargano13. Even this trip was very difficult: some travellers died, others fell ill, and since the route was dangerous, they had to hire armed guards; it is not clear from the text if the group managed to reach Italy or not14.

    <9>

    In spite of the difficulties of the voyage to Italy, it seems that it was rather common and popular. Rome attracted intellectuals because of its churches full of relics and works of religious art as well as its rich libraries. For example Ademar of Chabannes mentions that the bishop of Limoges, Gerald, found some precious manuscripts there15. Abbon travelled to Rome twice; his »Vita« contains a touching notice that he grew fat on local food16. There are numerous stories about the dangers of crossing the Alps, the most famous is no doubt the story of St. Mayeul of Cluny having been captured there by the Saracens on his way home from Rome. But these stories also prove that many people actually took that route, and after the expulsion of the Saracens from Fraxinetum in 972, it became considerably safer. The negative perception of Italians by Raoul Glaber was probably the result of his personal impressions obtained during his travels across Italy as William of Volpiano’s secretary17. Abbot Jean of Fécamp, an Italian born in Ravenna and another disciple of William of Volpiano, wrote to Pope Leon IX in c. 1050 that Italians hated people from Normandy so much that it was almost impossible for a Norman, even a pilgrim, to travel across Italian cities without being attacked, robbed or beaten18.

    <10>

    By the end of the tenth century and especially in the first third of the eleventh century the practice of pilgrimage spread widely from upper classes (even King Robert II made an extended pilgrimage to the south of France)19 to peasants. Travelling through Western Europe as pilgrims, they enjoyed many privileges, such as exemption from taxes and cheap lodging in some places20. Before around 1010 pilgrims travelled to Jerusalem by sea through the ports of southern Italy (Salerno, Amalfi, Bari or Taranto) and Egypt21. Such a trip was very expensive so only nobles and representatives of the higher clergy were able to afford it. Certainly they visited Rome on the way. After the burst of religious persecutions in the times of Al-Hakim (ca. 1007–1012), the sea route also became dangerous but at the same time the land route along the Danube was opened as a result of the conversion of the Hungarians, so the voyage became possible for different groups of society. Raoul Glaber notes that »an innumerable multitude of people began to travel to the Sepulchre of the Saviour at Jerusalem«22. This also meant more contacts with the Greeks and more visits to Constantinople. In 1026–1027 the greatest collective pilgrimage to Jerusalem took place. There were about 700 participants from all over Gaul (Normandy, Aquitaine, Berry, Flanders), including several great lords, among them Count William of Angoulême, three abbots and three future abbots. The leader of this group was Richard, abbot of the influential monastery of Saint-Vanne in Verdun. The duke of Normandy gave his financial support23. The participation of so many people from such different regions demonstrates a broad network of communication within the French kingdom.

    <11>

    Travelling was of course connected not only to pilgrimages but also to diplomatic missions, church affairs (including theological debates) and even private visits. Ambassadorial culture was still at the stage of formation. Officials sent to other courts usually lacked professional training and were chosen among the most trusted and dexterous courtiers, or clergymen, or even among appropriate merchants and pilgrims. Envoys rarely went on long errands to visit just one country or one court but were often sent on more than one mission at a time. During his pilgrimage to Jerusalem undertaken in c. 1026 Ulric, bishop of Orléans, visited Constantinople with an official mission and rich presents from King Robert II to emperor Constantine VII who, in his turn, presented Ulric precious relics of the Holy Cross and silks for his king24.

    <12>

    Unfortunately we know very little about the perception and study of foreign languages in those days and of the work of interpreters. Belonging to the educated elite, basically, to the learned clergy, entailed some knowledge of Latin, the language of intercultural communication in the western Christian world. True, sometimes this did not prevent misunderstandings if one of the interlocutors made a mistake in word usage. The culture of studying foreign languages was at a rather low level but a tradition of giving some idea of the useful foreign words in itineraries was preserved, and even special vocabularies and conversation phrasebooks for travellers were composed. There are some extraordinary examples that could be cited even though some of them come from somewhat earlier or later epochs. The first is the so-called »Altdeutsche Gespraeche«, a phrasebook written in the ninth century and intended for use by the Western Franks whose mother tongue was Romanic and who were going to Germany25; it included information about the country, advice on negotiations with a host and orders to servants. The second is an Italian-Greek vocabulary from the tenth century with a long list of words and phrases most helpful for travellers. The third is a tenth-century short list of Hebrew words and phrases glossed in Latin and marked with accents, which was probably written by someone who made a journey to Jerusalem. The forth is an eleventh-century manuscript from Avranches (Normandy); it contains Greek phrases in transcription with their Latin equivalents. With these manuals one learned to ask for bread and drink and got to know simple words like »horse«, »house«, »bed«, »clothes«. And finally there was a unique text from the twelfth century: a short Latin-Basque vocabulary inserted in the »Pilgrim’s guide« to Santiago de Compostela. The Basque language is compared there to a dog’s barking26. In fact alien languages were often compared to a dogs’ bark. Ademar of Chabannes distinguishes the Berbers, captives brought to Narbonne, from Arabs by their tongue: »their speech not at all resembled the language of the Saracens; when they spoke it seemed as if puppies were whining«27. About twenty Moors were sent as a gift to the abbot of Saint-Martial-de-Limoges, who kept two of them for himself and gave the others as presents to noble pilgrims. Ademar notices that these slaves told him their story themselves – an astonishing example of contacts between Muslims, at least former Muslims, and a French chronicler.

    <13>

    Linguistic differences were usually taken into consideration when defining a person’s identity. The French authors distinguished Germans in the first place by their tongue which appeared to them alien and strange. Dudo of Saint-Quentin testifies that people in his time could sense the proximity of the German and the Norse. According to his account the Duke of Normandy William the Long Sword was able to understand that Saxons and Lotharingians were making fun of him because he knew »the language of the Danes«28. Mastering the »Roman language« was considered a prerequisite for political and cultural integration, as happened with the Normans who, as Ademar of Chabannes reports, having been converted to Christianity »abandoned the heathen language [gentilem linguam] and mastered the Latin tongue«29.

    News circulation

    <14>

    Unfortunately we are very rarely able to estimate and trace the circulation of news in the medieval West. The increase of travelling activities evident from the early eleventh century implies a corresponding increase in news circulation in Europe and the Mediterranean region. It was mainly from traveling foreigners and returning pilgrims that chroniclers of this age received information, however scarce, about far away lands. A good example is Ademar’s report about the mission of Saint Bruno of Querfurt in Russia and the conversion of this land to Christianity. Although there are a lot of errors in his account, it contains some original and important details. According to him it was Bruno who was the first Christian missionary and baptizer in Russia as well as in Hungary. After his martyrdom in Prussia in 1009 the Russians »bought his body for a great price and built a monastery in his honor in Russia«30. Indeed Bruno, who was consecrated as the bishop of pagans by Pope Silvester II visited Hungary and Russia, where in 1007 he met Grand Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavovich (who accepted Christianity from Constantinople in 988), and with his assistance set out to preach the Gospel to the Pechenegs31, but the information about his veneration in Russia is more or less fiction. True, in another passage Ademar writes correctly that a Greek bishop arrived in Russia and »converted a half of that land which still worshiped idols, so that they began to grow beards in the Greek fashion and adopted other Greek customs«32. The question is how did he learn such fine details about a region so far away? He could have received this information from a German traveller, but surprisingly in German versions of Bruno’s life the Russian episode is totally absent33. Probably in this case Ademar drew on more distant sources possibly passed on by travellers from the East or by the Greeks.

    <15>

    In fact Ademar certainly communicated with at least two Greeks, Symeon and Cosmas in Angoulême34. Symeon’s story is extraordinary35. A monk from Mount Sinai speaking Latin, educated in Constantinople, experienced as a guide in Jerusalem, he was sent to Normandy with Cosmas to collect a donation to his monastery made by Duke Richard I; however, he was arrested in Cairo, then captured by pirates, then met Richard of Saint-Vanne and his fellow pilgrims in Antioch around 1026 and made friends with William, Count of Angoulême. Without any doubt Symeon and Cosmas told Ademar some episodes of Byzantine and Eastern Christian history that the Aquitanian chronicler put into his writing. Among them were probably news about Al-Hakim and the destruction of the St. Sepulchre, about Basil II and his wars with the Bulgarians as well as about Norman-Byzantine conflicts in South Italy. Describing Byzantine victory over the Normans in Italy in 1018, he specifies that the latter had been defeated and destroyed by »Russi«36.Though it is possible that some of these »Russian« warriors were of Scandinavian origin, it is the use of the ethnonym which is most significant in this case. This report shows also that Ademar was aware of foreign mercenaries in the Byzantine army.

    <16>

    It was of course common to pay attention to the military qualities, tactics and customs of potential foes and allies. Thus Raoul Glaber mocks Italians for their alleged lack of warrior skills, admires the boldness of the Normans and speaks with respect about the military organization of the Saracens underlining however their atrocities. He mentions the Arab custom of decorating oneself before battle with silver and gold badges which served as marks of military distinction37.


    Foreigners in the Church

    <17>

    Research on the intercultural exchanges in the Middle Ages presupposes, as an important issue, the study of the presence of foreigners in the Church, especially in monasteries where they could have been met by local authors whose writings permit us to penetrate the world of those days. Short or long stays of aliens from other countries and regions in French monasteries were a rather common feature. Exceptionally, even foreign rulers were to be found there. For example, the Polish King (or Prince) Casimir I the Restorer who after the death of his father, King Mieszko II in 1034 was forced into exile spent some time in Cluny where he even became a deacon under the name Charles and stayed there until about 1041 when the Poles called him back38. It is quite likely that it was Casimir who proposed the idea of the most extraordinary marriage in the Capetian family of this time: the one between King Henry I and Anna, daughter of Yaroslav the Wise, Grand Prince of Kiev, arranged in 105139. Intermarriage was a great factor of diplomacy but unfortunately we know almost nothing about how the negotiations were conducted. Casimir was married to Yaroslav’s younger sister, Maria Dobronega (Dobrogniewa)40, while his own sister, Elisabeth (Olisava in Russian sources), married Yaroslav’s second son, Izyaslav, the future Grand Prince of Kiev41. One should also take into consideration that the niece of Matilda, the late first wife of King Henry, was wed to Anna’s brother Svyatoslav, third son of Yaroslav the Wise. The Polish king, presumably close to the French court and a relative of Yaroslav the Wise, would have been in a good position to arrange the matrimonial negotiations42. Thus, political contacts between the French Kingdom and the two largest Slavic states, Rus and Poland, were quite active, and it is most disappointing that the French or other chronicles contain so little information about them. Raoul Glaber does not mention Casimir at all though he was closely connected to Cluny and lived there for a period. True, in the late 1030s when Casimir found refuge in Cluny, Raoul had already left amid some scandal and settled in the Abbey of Saint-Germain d’Auxerre, where he remained until his death about 105043.

    <18>

    Foreigners often became abbots, this practice was especially widespread in Normandy in the eleventh century when all of them originated either from other provinces of Gaul or from Italy. On the other hand, bishops of Gaul were usually chosen among the local clergy with some exceptions, for example that of the Italian Michael, bishop of Avranches, can be cited. Perhaps his assignment was influenced by the weighty influence of Lanfranc who was born in Pavia, taught in Avranches and afterwards became archbishop of Canterbury. A parallel can be drawn with Rus’ where all the early metropolites save one, Illarion (1051-1054), were Greeks, unfamiliar with the Slavonic language and unable to find a common tongue with their flock.

    <19>

    In large monasteries there were always foreigners who came there for different reasons, mainly to study or to teach. For example Fleury had close contacts with the English monastery of Ramsey founded by a former monk of Fleury. Once a delegation from Ramsey came to Fleury with a request to send them an erudite cleric who could teach the monks to read and write, and Abbon was chosen for this mission. He seems to have taken the place of Germain, another monk from Fleury who had moved to Ramsey earlier44. Famous monastic schools, also cathedral schools in Paris, Reims and Chartres attracted visitors from all over Europe as well.

    <20>

    Some conflicts between local monks and foreigners have left traces in the sources. For example Raoul Glaber reports that the monks from Spain who had arrived in Cluny desired to celebrate the Annunciation according to their customs not on the 25th of March but on the 18th of December. Despite the permission of abbot Odilon to do it the way they wished but separately from the rest of the community, at least some other monks evidently did not like this solution. Raoul retells a vision of one monk in which the Spaniards appear in a very negative light. Supposedly one of them seized a boy from upon the altar with a cooking-fork and threw him into a fire45. As one may guess this story was meant to demonstrate to his readers the wickedness of the alien monks.

    <21>

    Not only Western monks travelled to and through Gaul but also, as mentioned above, monks from the Orthodox East. The Norman Duke Richard II received at his court monks from Mount Sinai who regularly came to Rouen to collect the ducal subsidies for their monastery. St. Symeon of Trier, who told Ademar of Chabannes some episodes of Byzantine history, came to Normandy for the same reason. Some Greeks even settled in the West or died there during the journey. We are left to imagine how people managed to endure such long distance journeys and to regret that so few details of their voyages and contacts are known.

    <22>

    The artistic needs of churches and monasteries paved the way for artists. In the beginning of the eleventh century Greek artists are thought to have been invited to Dijon where the church of Saint-Bénigne was rebuilt by William of Volpiano46. According to André of Fleury, abbot Gauzlin sometime in the 1020s or 1030s sent envoys to »Romania«, that is either to the Byzantine lands (perhaps in Southern Italy) or to the region of Ravenna which was formerly under Byzantine rule, to find artists and marble to redecorate the newly built churches in Fleury47. Gauzlin also invited artists from Lombardy, and we even know that one of them was called Nivardo48.

    Conclusion

    <23>

    The data presented in this paper prove that the level of physical intercultural communication (leaving apart communication through books and artefacts) was quite high. Despite rather primitive infrastructure and fear of journeys to far away lands, French society of the eleventh century was actually quite dynamic and its interest for other lands and cultures was sincere and strong. Historians usually underestimate this interest and the amount of real intercultural communication. Contacts between different cultures left quite a number of traces in the sources but one is forced to gather them grain by grain.

    Autorin:

    Vasilina Sidorova
    Assistant at Faculty of History
    Lomonosov Moscow State University
    vasilinasid@gmail.com

    1 René Merlet (ed.), La chronique de Nantes (570–1049), Paris 1896, chap. XIX, p. 64: »nec leges custodiunt, nec praeceptis obediunt, nec allis decretis intendunt«.

    2 Raoul Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, chap. II. 3. 4, in: John France (ed.), Rodulfus Glaber. Opera, Oxford 1989, p. 58: »Inhabitatur quoque diutius a gente Brittonum, quorum solae divitiae primitus fuere libertas fisci publici et lactis copia. Qui omni prorsus urbanitate vacui, suntque illis mores inculti ac levis ira et stulta garrulitas«.

    3 Bernard of Clairvaux, Vita sancti Malachiae, chap. VIII. 16, in: Jean Leclercq, Henri Rochais (ed.), Bernardi opera, vol. 3, Paris 1963, p. 307–378.

    4 Odorannus of Sens, Chronicon, chap. 1, in: Robert-Henri Bautier (ed.), Odorannus de Sens. Opera omnia, Paris 1972, p. 78: »citra Ligerim, id est in Francia, vel ultra Ligerim, id est in Aquitania«.

    5 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. III. 9. 40, p. 166: »cum rex Robertus accepisset sibi reginam Constantiam a partibus Aquitaniae in conjugium, coeperunt confluere gratia ejusdem reginae in Franciam atque Burgundiam, ab Arvernia et Aquitania, homines omni levitate vanissimi, moribus et veste distorti, armis et equorum phaleris incompositi, a medio capitis nudati, histrionum more barbis rasi, caligis et ocreis turpissimi«.

    6 Glaber, Vita Willelmi, chap. 12, in: John France (ed.), Rodulfus Glaber. Opera, Oxford 1989, p. 290.

    7 Aimoin, Vita Abboni, chap. 20, in: Robert-Henri Bautier, Gillette Labory (ed.), L’abbaye de Fleury en l’an mil, Paris 2004, p. 120-122.

    8 Renée Mussot-Goulard, Les princes de Gascogne, Marsolan 1982, p. 60–61.

    9 Ademar of Chabannes, Chronicon, chap. III. 30, in: Pascale Bourgain (ed.), Adémar de Chabannes. Chronicon (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 129), Turnhout 1999, p. 150-151.

    10 Jules Lair (ed.), Dudo of Saint-Quentin, De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, Caen 1865, chap. I. 8, p. 137: »gens Francigena, quae spurcaminum erat sorde nimium plena«.

    11 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. III. 3. 10, p. 112: »ob hoc maxime praedictus locus a plurimis terrarum populis saepius frequentatur«.

    12 Aimoin, Vita Abboni (as n. 7), chap. 4, p. 50.

    13 Ibid., chap.10, p. 78.

    14 Ibid., chap.11, p. 80.

    15 Robert Lee Wolff, How the News was brought from Byzantium to Angouleme; or, the Pursuit of a Hare in an Ox Cart, in: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 4 (1978), p. 139-189, here p. 174.

    16 Aimoin, Vita Abboni (as n. 7), chap. 11, p. 90: »Et quamvis mole corporis gravaretur nam in transmarinis regionibus peregrinorum ciborum inusitata qualitas decocteque potionis haustus corpus ejus pingue reddiderat, nequaquam tamen labore fatigabatur«.

    17 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. I. 5. 17, p. 32.

    18 Epistola Joannis I abbatis Fiscamnensis ad S. Leonem IX, in: Jean-Paul Migne (ed), Patrologia latina, vol. 143, col. 148: »Porro haec Italorum in Northmannos invidia adeo exarsit, et jam inolevit, ut pene per omnia Italiae suburbia vix unquam ulli Northmannorum liceat tutum iter carpere, etiamsi sit peregrina devotione, quin assaliatur, trahatur, nudetur, colaphizetur, vinculis religetur, saepe etiam tristem exhalet spiritum, longo carceris squallore maceratus«.

    19 Helgaud of Fleury, Vita Roberti regis, chap. 27, in: Robert-Henri Bautier, Gillette Labory (ed.), Helgaud de Fleury. Vie de Robert le Pieux. Epitoma vitae regi Rotberti Pii, Paris 1965, p. 124-128.

    20 Edmond-René Labande, Recherches sur les pèlerins dans l’Europe des XIe et XIIe siècles, in: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 1 (1958), p. 159-169, here p. 27.

    21 Françoise Micheau, Les itinéraires maritimes et continentaux des Pèlerinages vers Jérusalem, in: Occident et Orient au Xe siècle, Paris 1979, p. 79–104.

    22 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. IV. 6. 18, p. 198-200.

    23 Krijnie N. Ciggaar, Western Travellers to Constantinople. The West and Byzantium, 962–1204: Cultural and Political Relations, Leiden, New York, Cologne 1996, p. 178.

    24 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. IV. 6. 19, p. 202.

    25 Bernhard Bischoff, The Study of Foreign Languages in the Middle Ages, in: Speculum 36 (1961), p. 217–218.

    26 Ibid.

    27 Ademar, Chronicon (as n. 9), chap. III. 52, p. 171: »Loquela eorum nequaquam erat Sarracenisca, sed more catulorum loquentes, glatire videbantur«.

    28 Dudo, De moribus (as n. 10), chap. III. 53, p. 197.

    29 Ademar, Chronicon (as n. 9), chap. III. 27, p. 148.

    30 Ibid, chap. III. 31, p. 153: »Corpus ejus Russorum gens magno precio redemit, et in Russia monasterium ejus nominis construxerunt, magnis que miraculis coruscare cepit«.

    31 Heinrich Kauffmann (ed.), Vita et passio Sancti Brunonis episcopi et martyris Querfordensis (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 30/2), Leipzig 1934, p. 1361; see also: Darius Baronas, The year 1009: St Bruno of Querfurt between Poland and Rus’, in: Journal of Medieval History 34 (2008), p. 1–22.

    32 Ademar, Chronicon (as n. 9), chap. III. 31, p. 153: »Grecus episcopus in Russiam venit et medietatem ipsius provincie, que adhuc idolis dedita erat, convertit, et morem grecum in barba crescenda et ceteris exemplis eos suscipere fecit«.

    33 Baronas, The year 1009 (as n. 31), p. 14.

    34 See Wolff, How the News (as n. 15), p. 183189.

    35 On Symeon’s story see: Michele C. Ferrari, From Pilgrims’ Guide to Living Relic: Symeon of Trier and his Biographer Eberwin, in: Latin Culture in the Eleventh Century. Proceedings of the 3d International Conference on Medieval Latin Studies, Cambridge, September 9-12 1998, vol. 1, Turnhout 2002, p. 324-344.

    36 Ademar, Chronicon (as n. 9), chap. III. 55, p. 174: »Quarto congressu a gente Russorum victi et prostrati sunt et ad nichilum redacti, et innumeri, ducti Constantinopolim, usque ad exitum vite in carceribus tribulati sunt«.

    37 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. IV. 7. 22, p. 206.

    38 Jacques Malinowski, Casimir I, roi de Pologne, moine de Cluny au XIe siècle. Étude historique, Mâcon 1868, p. 328, 5155.

    39 The name of the new queen, very rare in the Latin West before this marriage and quite popular afterwards, is in itself informative from the point of view of intercultural communication. Another good example of name migrations is offered by the above mentioned queen Constance, by the way a granddaughter of Count Charles Constantine, son of Emperor Louis the Blind and a Byzantine princess, probably a daughter of Leo the Wize. See: Igor S. Filippov, Крещение языческим именем и другие парадоксы западноевропейской антропонимии в раннее средневековье, in: Imenoslov. Historical Semantics of the Name, vol. 2, Moscow 2007, p. 88–115; Id., Baptismal Names and Self-identification in the Early Middle Ages, in: Flocel Sabaté (ed.), Identitats del Edat Mitjana, Barcelona 2012, p. 105-144.

    40 Evgeny V. Pchelov, Польская княгиня Мария Добронега Владимировна, in: Anatoly P. Novoseltsev (ed.), Древняя Русь в системе этнополитических и культурных связей, Moscow 1994, p. 31–33.

    41 Andrzej Poppe, Гертруда-Олисава, русская княгиня. Пересмотр биографических данных, in: Fyodor B. Uspensky (ed.), Imenoslov. Historical Semantics of the Name, vol. 2, Moscow 2007, p. 205–229.

    42 Roger Hallu, Anne de Kiev, reine de France, Rome 1973; Robert-Henri Bautier, Anne de Kiev, reine de France, et la politique royale au XIe siècle: Étude critique de la documentation, in: Revue des études slaves 57 (1985), p. 539-564, here p. 545–546.

    43 On the perception of the Slavic world in the French chronicles of this period see my article: Vasilina Sidorova, The Slavic World in French Historical Writings of the 11th century, in: Martin Homza, Jan Lukačka, Neven Budak (ed.), Slovakia and Croatia. Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780), Bratislava, Zagreb, 2013, p. 97-101.

    44 Aimoin, Vita Abboni (as n. 7), chap.4, p. 50–54.

    45 Glaber, Historiarum (as n. 2), chap. III. 3. 12, p. 112-114.

    46 Ciggaar, Western Travellers (as n. 23), p. 164.

    47 André of Fleury, Vita Gauzlini, in: Robert-Henri Bautier, Gillette Labory (ed.), André de Fleury. Vie de Gauzlin, abbé de Fleury. Vita Gauzlini, abbatis Floriacensis monasterii, Paris 1969, chap. I. 44, p. 80: »Chorum psallentium quoque pulcherrimo marmorum compsit emblemate, quae asportari jusserat a partibus Romaniae«; Ibid., chap. II. 67, p. 136: »ad partes direxerat Romaniae opificemque hujus operis [...] prestolabatur«.

    48 Ibid., chap. II. 65, p. 132: »a Langobardorum regione adscito nomine Nivardo«.

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    Intercultural communication according to French historical writings of the first half of the 11th century
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    intercultural communication traveling news circulation history of France la communication interculturelle voyages la circulation de nouvelles histoire de France interkulturelle Kommunikation Reisen Nachrichtenaustausch Geschichte Frankreichs
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    V. Sidorova: Intercultural communication according to French historical writings of the first half of the 11th century
    In: Formen mittelalterlicher Kommunikation. Sommeruniversität des DHIP, 7.–10. Juli 2013/Formes de la communication au Moyen Âge. Université d’été de l’IHA, 7–10 juillet 2013, hg. von/dir. par Ralf Lützelschwab (discussions 11).
    URL: http://www.perspectivia.net/publikationen/discussions/11-2015/sidorova_communication
    Veröffentlicht am: 05.10.2015 11:41
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